African Traditional Religion’s Contribution to Understanding the Trinity

To what extent can African Traditional Religion (ATR) enrich Christian theological discussion and benefit the African church? African Initiated Churches (AICs) often integrate aspects of ATR, as their members strive to be Christian while maintaining their African identity.

ATR, practiced across Africa before Western missionaries arrived, centers on preserving African culture, with a key element being loyalty to ancestors and related rituals. This exploration considers how ATR’s resources might contribute to the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. The early church grappled with the relationship between worshipping God the Father and Jesus Christ in the presence of the Holy Spirit, leading to questions about monotheism versus polytheism and Jesus’ nature and place within the Trinity.

The Trinity is a unique Christian doctrine, affirming belief in one God existing as Father, Son (Jesus Christ, the sole mediator between God and humanity), and Holy Spirit. In contrast, ATR generally understands Africans to worship one Supreme Being, with ancestors venerated as intermediaries to this Supreme Being, without clearly defined roles for Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit.

The formation of African Initiated Churches (AICs) is widely understood, as Maluleke (1994) exemplifies, as a quest for a distinct African identity and culture, deeply rooted in ATR. The concept of Ubuntu, or communal living in ATR, emphasizes that African life is experienced within a community. African Christians often continue to venerate and honor ancestors while embracing their Christian faith.

Erickson (2006:347) posits that the doctrine of the Trinity is central to Christianity, stating, “Among the religions of the world, the Christian faith is unique in making the claim that God is one and yet there are three who are God.” Christian theologians generally agree on this doctrine’s foundational importance, affirming the worship of one God in three persons: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

An African Perspective

Missionary circles often held the perception that Africa lacked a prior religious history, hence the label ‘dark’ continent. Africans viewed this perspective and the resulting actions as using “the gospel to declare the superiority of Western value systems and using this claim to justify European conquest and exploitation of Africa” (Goba 1998:19). Missionaries were seen not only as alienating Africans from their culture but also as undermining it through arrogance, comparing African culture unfavorably to their supposedly ‘superior’ culture. Consequently, missionaries were often regarded as agents of African colonization.

Maimela (1991) argues that the indigenous counter-movement was fundamentally about resisting domination, stating, “‘it is this kind of resistance to Western culture and religious imperialism that led to the breakaway of the African Independent Churches from the white denominations in the 19th century.”

Moila (1991:37) believes that “Western Christianity had failed to meet the African aspirations,” creating a significant void in their lives and taking away “a religion which was functional and useful in their lives.”

African Traditional Religion

Many African Christians continued to practice ancestor veneration, which Choon and Van der Merwe (2008:1299) describe as an “attempt to preserve good relations with the departed kin,” a practice they (2001:1300) consider “intrinsically a form of worship.” However, Seoka (1997:5) argues against viewing ATR rituals as ancestor worship, suggesting this interpretation is a deliberate misconstruction to promote Western religious practices. Mtetwa (1996:23) further asserts that “the use of Western theological and anthropological categories in articulating African rituals and philosophies has to discontinue, precisely for their capacity to distort and confuse,” finding the term ‘ancestral veneration’ a foreign term with neo-colonial undertones.

Both Mtetwa (1996) and Seako (1997) prefer African terms like ukuhlabela amadlozi or gopaasa badimo to describe the ritual of slaughtering an animal. Seoka (1997:5) explains that in African religious practice, ancestors are served, not worshipped – hence terms like umsebenzi kababa or umama, where umsebenzi means ‘a service’ of remembering or thanking ancestors in a way similar to worship. The term ‘service’ is also used for church attendance. Pouring beer or water on the ground is seen as a way for Africans to communicate with their ancestors, seeking blessings and good fortune.

Mbiti (1969:178) notes that the word ‘worship’ often lacks a direct equivalent in many African languages. Zulu (2002:476) argues that the concept of truly worshipping a human being is foreign to Africans, as ‘ancestor’ denotes a human, and Africans worship God alone. While Mbiti (1969:178) disputes the term ‘worship’ for ancestors, he acknowledges that in the worship of God, sacrifices and offerings can be directed to God, spirits, and the living dead (ancestors), along with prayers and invocations.

Turaki (1999:162) suggests that the perceived distance between the Supreme Being and Africans leads followers of ATR to connect with God through “lesser” beings: African divinities and ancestors.

Using African terms like badimo, izinyanya, swikwembu, or abaphansi carries a stronger connotation than ‘ancestors’. In South African languages, badimo refers to ancestors. Similarly, in Shangaan, God is Xikwembu (singular), and ancestors are swikwembu (plural), meaning ‘the gods’. Turaki (1999:80) uses these terms, as reflected in the title of his book Christianity and African gods, referring to ancestral spirits as part of African divinities.

Kiernan (1995:22) explains that communication between the living and the dead occurs through regular sacrifice and invocation, with the type of animal varying by economic circumstances and accompanied by beer or grain offerings. These rituals “revive relationships within the community and between the living and the ancestors” (Mndende 2006:161), also bridging the physical and spiritual worlds.

Chidester (1992) details the ancestral ritual process, noting the crucial role of a diviner (sangoma or ‘traditional healer’) as a specialist in communicating with ancestors and conveying messages. The sacrificial animal, chosen by or acceptable to the ancestors, is typically killed by the eldest man in the lineage, with specific parts symbolizing different things. Chidester (1992:9) highlights that “the bellowing of the sacrificial animal is crucial to the ritual because that cry opens up communication with the ancestors.”

Families often have a dedicated hut, room, or altar for ancestor communication. Chidester (1992) describes the ritual elder placing a piece of fat from the slaughtered animal on the fire in this space for the ancestors. While the specific order may vary by family and ethnic group (e.g., Xhosa vs. Tsonga), the core elements remain. Zulus, for instance, wear the slaughtered animal’s skin on their wrist for protection and good luck, and the meat is shared in a communal meal, sometimes with African beer.

Chidester (1992) adds that the ritual often concludes with the burning of the animal’s bones. Some African families or nations include hair cutting to symbolize a new beginning. In Shangaan families, the ritual involves celebratory dance and drumming to welcome ancestral spirits, during which someone may become possessed, acting in a way that signals the presence of a specific ancestor. Garments symbolic of the occasion are placed on the possessed person, who then dances and sings a song revealing the possessing ancestor. Afterwards, the possessed person speaks, allowing communication with the deceased.

Chidester (1992) also addresses the question of worship, noting that interpretations often depend on the understanding of ‘worship’. Some argue that ancestors were not worshipped but treated with the respect owed to living elders.

However, the existence of sacrificial offerings to ancestors, a practice dating back to early human history, cannot be denied. Acts 14 describes the people of Lystra bringing oxen for sacrifice to Paul and Barnabas, whom they believed to be gods. Ancient kings were sometimes elevated to divine status, as Moila (1987:23) reports, and in Egypt, Moses was regarded as a god by priests due to his miracles. Ritual sacrificial offerings involve activities and symbols interpreted differently by each nation, clan, or family, as Chidester (1992) notes in the context of life passages like birth and circumcision.

Regardless of whether the event is called ukuhlabela amadlozi or gopaasa badimo, the activities involved carry the weight of worship. Africans traditionally had various means of worshipping God through their cultural practices.

Mbiti (1969:1) famously stated that “Africans are notoriously religious so much so that religion permeates permanently into all departments of life so fully that it is not easy or possible always to isolate it.” Mndende (2006:161) concurs, acknowledging that religion is deeply ingrained in social life and inseparable from it. Therefore, when families gather for ancestral sacrificial rituals, it is a religious act honoring ancestors. While it may be termed a service or remembrance, the actions within it – slaughtering, libations, dancing – all focus on the ancestors, making it a religious event.

Another crucial point is the perceived position of ancestors as intermediaries between humans and God. Moila (1989:23) provides African names for God, such as Modimo, Xikwembu, uNkulunkulu, Uthixo, Kgobeans, Lebepe, and Khutsoane. While Kgobeane is linked to ‘son of Kgobe’, the meanings of Lebepe and Khotsoane are unclear. God is also known as Mmopa-Batho (Creator of humankind) and Motlhodi (Creator or Initiator), names Moila suggests are influenced by Christianity. Moila and many African theologians agree that ancestors hold a powerful position higher than humans, closer to God. Donders (1986:11) notes that African concepts of God as Creator differ from Christian ones, with some Africans believing humans emerged from a hole in the ground, possibly explaining why ancestors are sometimes called ‘the ones from below’ or ‘the ones from the ground’, to whom water, beer, or blood are offered in prayer.

The discussion suggests a belief among some Africans in origins separate from God, potentially affecting the God-African relationship. Turaki (1999:86) acknowledges the general African awareness and belief in a Supreme Being but notes that this Being was not exclusively worshipped by traditional Africans. Awareness does not equate to a relationship; the Supreme Being is often perceived as too remote or transcendent, possibly due to a past offense against God (Turaki 1999:162). Turaki (1999:162) and others argue that Africa historically lacked altars or temples specifically for this Supreme Being. While names for God exist, there are seemingly no historical events informing these names, suggesting a lack of direct revelation. Africans perceive a distance from God, with ancestors being closer to them and, in turn, closer to God, though the implications of this closeness remain unclear. Prayers and sacrifices directed to ancestors imply their ability to hear, but the impact of these prayers is not explicitly defined. Khathide (2003) observes that even devout Christians may turn to traditional healers (Inyanga), diviners, or exorcists in times of need, highlighting a closer relationship with ancestral intermediaries than with God or the Supreme Being.

The evidence suggests a stronger perceived connection between Africans and their ancestors than with God. However, ancestral involvement does not necessarily diminish God’s role. Africans often view ATR as a preparation for the Gospel, explaining the movement from missionary churches to AICs that accommodate African culture – a return to pre-missionary traditions, but as Christians. The question remains whether Africans justify ATR through Christian frameworks or interpret Christianity through ATR lenses, raising the issue of Jesus’ role as mediator in Africa.

Jesus in Africa

Maluleke (1994) asserts that “Jesus in Africa needs to be understood to refer to how black and white Christians in ¹ the light of past discrimination, racism and artificial separation, can come together as participants in a largely homogeneous culture perceive and proclaim Christ.” Regarding Christological debate, Maluleke (1994:57) states that “in Africa, Christ is the healer, liberator, ancestor, mediator, elder brother, the crucified one, head and master of initiation and the black messiah.” However, his analysis leaves a sense of incomplete exploration of Christ’s identity and role in African worship. Further explanation of Jesus as “healer, liberator, ancestor, mediator, elder brother and the crucified one” seems necessary. In 1997, Maluleke questioned, “Will Jesus ever be the same again? What are the Africans doing to Him?”, suggesting a need for Jesus to be taught how to be African, which raises concerns about whether this leaves room for him to transform African life. Maluleke (1997) notes that discussions often focus on what Jesus has done for Africa, rather than how Africans have appropriated him. He proposes a view of African appropriation, but the question remains whether Jesus needs appropriation or if human understanding needs to be shaped by a relationship with him. Maluleke (1997:14) suggests a reciprocal action: “Africans have done a lot to Jesus, perhaps as much as He is supposed to have done to them.” The emphasis seems to be on African actions towards Jesus, highlighting a need for African theologies to focus on what he has done for Africans, rather than dwelling on the negative impacts of European culture, potentially overshadowing God’s revelation and relationship with Africans through Jesus Christ.  

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Maluleke (1997:14) assures that there is only one, non-duplicable Jesus, the same one Paul preached as “Christ and Him crucified.” However, the question arises whether an African theologian can fully embrace Paul’s statement in 2 Corinthians 5:17: “when a person is in Christ he is a new creature. The old things are passed away; behold, all things are become new.” In African theology, there seems to be a tendency to integrate Christ as one of the ancestors. If Christ becomes an ancestor, the position of God the Father becomes unclear. Does the Father then become an ancestor to the Son? This raises questions about the role of the Holy Spirit, potentially testing the boundaries of Christian faith.

Jesus as an Ancestor

Mbiti (1971:132) notes common African expressions for death: “going to one’s Fathers,” “going home,” “be taken away or be received,” “departed.” In an African worldview, “going away” signifies entering the spiritual world, considered as real as the physical. This spiritual world, according to Mbiti (1971:132), includes familiar elements like mountains, rivers, and trees, with those who died as infants continuing to grow, and God as the Originator and Sustainer of all, including the living dead and spirits. At death, a person becomes part of the “living dead,” joining deceased family members in the spirit world and occasionally visiting the family, sometimes visible only to the elderly. However, divine revelation is based on grace for all generations, not luck for a few. After three to five generations, when no one remembers the deceased, the living-dead person transitions into a spirit.

Mbiti (1971) suggests that African Christianity views Jesus as living dead because he died and was seen by some in Jerusalem. His death on the cross is seen as him joining others in the spirit world. Those who accept Jesus and participate in Baptism and Eucharist are believed to join this spiritual realm. Water baptism symbolizes death as “the sacramental death when baptizing a person is regarded as the doorway into the New Testament world of the spirit” (Mbiti 1971:153). Mbiti further explains that saints commune with God and all of heaven. The Christian practice of Eucharist, partaking in Christ’s body and blood, is likened to Africans sharing meals with the living dead (ancestors). In Christianity, the living and the living dead overlap in Jesus Christ, with a goal to transform and emulate African traditions associated with him.

Beyers and Mphahlele (2009:38) define ancestors, while Afeke and Venter (2004:47) explain African views on ancestor veneration. Regarding Jesus as an ancestor, Afeke and Venter (2004:47) note he is seen as “the supreme ancestor” or “the greatest of all ancestors.” Since ATR beliefs hold that a person becomes an ancestor after death, and Jesus spoke and ate post-resurrection, this qualifies him. Some African theologians (Afeke & Venter 2004:47) view Christ as the Supreme Ancestor by virtue of his incarnation, death, resurrection, and ascension into spirit-power, suggesting that “African Christians be encouraged to communicate with their ancestors within the context of the Eucharist,” where “Christians can pray to the greatest of all ancestors” (Afeke & Venter 2004:52). It is believed that humans have Jesus as their ancestor, and Jesus has God, uniting Christ and the deceased as one family.

Mogoba and Mekoa (2007) proposed that ATR has enriched rather than threatened Christianity, understanding God in ATR as an intangible, invisible force. Due to God’s perceived distance, ancestors act as mediators.

The African Response to the Creeds

The creeds are official church products and part of Christian tradition. African Christian communities need to embrace them, especially the Nicene Creed. Historically, the debate on Jesus Christ’s nature and relationship with the Father originated in Africa, with Arius, Bishop Alexander, and Athanasius in Egypt when the debate emerged around 311 CE, and Athanasius continuing to speak from Egypt even after the Council of Nicaea in 325 CE. Additionally, Tertullian, an African, is credited with coining the term Trinity. The question is which African resources and categories of thought can African theologians utilize? The Nicene Creed begins, “We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things visible and invisible” (Wilhelm 1911).

African theologians and scholars like Moila (1989) and Kombo (2009) use African names for God such as Xikwembu, unKulunkulu, and Uthixo, assuming they refer to the Christian God. While Mbiti (1969) and others affirm African belief in this God, the discussion revolves around the nature of the African relationship with God, God’s perceived closeness and involvement in their lives. Some, like Ogbonnaya (1994), object to the term Supreme Being as non-African. In response, it’s crucial to emphasize that.